Fourth Electoral Quarter – El Sol de México

In the absence of some of the far-reaching transformations introduced by Andrés Mandel López Obrador, the so-called fourth at the end of his third year of rule caused political modernity to take an early start in the running for the presidency. for the Republic. The mobilization born in his party is infecting those opponents out of sympathy and easing the atmosphere at the expense of what would be the normal march on the road to the 2024 succession. At the same time, more than changes in public action, the state is involved in setbacks or stagnation such as the growth of crime, the increase in poverty and the paralysis of the economy .

President López Obrador prematurely opened a small group of possibilities for Morena’s candidacy, the names of which remained Claudia Sheinbaum and Marcelo Ebrard because of their importance, and which Ricardo Monreal decided not to exclude. As it did not happen in previous governments, before the middle of the administration, the political machine was launched, to which the four opposition parties joined, in which the names of potential candidates for the presidency of the country had already appeared.

In contrast to previous competitions in which the President of the Republic kept the name of the real man in reserve until the last moment, Lopez Obrador shows his inclination so far to the Prime Minister of Mexico City Claudia Sheinbaum, encouraged by this. It began a campaign consisting mainly of appearing as a version of its promoter’s policy, without changing a single comma to the points of the official speech. If she becomes president, Claudia Sheinbaum will be the exact repeat of the policy and unfulfilled promises of Lopez Obrador. The current senator responsible for the political coordination of the Moreno party caucus, Ricardo Monreal, is carrying out his own campaign which, if unwavering ambition is realized, will end in rebellion against López Obrador in an attempt to appear on the ballot 2024. Whatever way the candidate is named. López Obrador insists on a poll to select the party’s standard-bearer, in a process far from the participatory democracy he announced as one of the changes in his administration. In the best case, the poll only reflects the opinion at a particular moment of the few thousand included in the questionnaire, when it is not the instrument of manipulation on the part of the person charged with this listening.

In the previously open competition, the case of Marcelo Ebrard, Minister of Foreign Relations, who remained in the performance of his duties after accepting his legitimate desire to be a candidate, with a great sense of political responsibility and civility, stands out. On the sidelines of the exaggerated offers of his rival and potential revolutionary Ricardo Monreal. Thus Ebrard Casaubon shows himself as a professional politician, aware of his duties as a public servant, without thus declaring himself outside the race.

The prime minister’s absolute submissiveness to López Obrador’s politics and Senator Monreal’s skepticism about rebellion contrasts with a political stance at the height of Marcelo Ebrard, realizing that his serious and responsible work could end up tipping the scales in their favour. , which has already been made clear, albeit by a small margin in the first polls, this is the only available way to know the trends of citizens’ preferences, despite other measures such as internal party elections that have been permanently imposed or primary elections organized and approved by an authority such as that practiced in the United States and in other developed democracies.

In the meantime, it is necessary to accept the indisputable fact that it is the President of the Republic today, as it has been for many years, who decides on the name of his party’s candidate for succession. In the most prominent periods of hegemonic political rule, the President of the Republic exercised his role as balancer to appoint, not the future head of government, but the candidate of his party who, according to the circumstances, became the confidant. The winner of the election. The style did not seem entirely separate from the democratic principle: the decision in favor of the chosen one appeared as a result of an agreement between the sectors of the party and the people, the worker and the peasant, which theoretically brought together the entire population of that formative policy. Hence it gave the appearance of naming a candidate arising out of hearing among all party members, though in reality the president’s decision had the final say in the process. Various forms of this consultation have been tried in PRI governments; At the end of Luis Echeverría’s term, the Secretary for Water Resources, Leandro Rovirosa Wade, took on the official “opening” role by publicly referring to the seven finally selected candidates as José López Portillo, a personal friend of President Echeverría since his younger years. Lopez Portillo has always emphasized that he has consulted different sections of society to weigh the burden that Libra believers will move to their rightful position. Procedures such as the so-called platform of candidates before both houses of Congress were followed, always by the final decision of the President of the Republic. Everything indicates that last year’s finger will run again at the time of the decision to run for president, only this time Lopez Obrador intends to do so with the worst Democratic picture that would be polls by the relentless President’s Index. Himself.

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